He could never share their simplistic, moralistic approach". Giovanni Gentileintellectual father of Italian Fascism. And this required a rather explicit break from the way American historians customarily handled their subject. They trace the direct political and ideological lineage between the Populists and anti-communist Senator Joseph McCarthy and McCarthyism, the political paranoia manifest in his contemporary time.
The global catastrophes of the thirties and forties had, he believed stirred up powerful feelings of discontent in America to be felt for years to come.
More than a historian, Hofstadter was a product of his times, and the life he led offers valuable commentary on a number of salient topics that continue to shape our lives: The historian, being an individual, is also a product of history, and of society; and it is in this twofold light that the student of history must learn to regard him.
The historian, being an individual, is also a product of history, and of society; and it is in this twofold light that the student of history must learn to regard him. Not merely should they be kept well away from the levers of power, they should also be objects of suspicion when they seek to offer collective advice.
A talented mimic, he entertained brilliantly at intimate social settings, impersonating comedians, politicians, and the more starchy historians he encountered at professional gatherings.
The idealist philosopher Giovanni Gentile established the intellectual basis of Fascist ideology with the autoctisi self-realisation via concrete thinking that distinguished between the good active intellectual and the bad passive intellectual: Overall, these two books undermined his previous materialist interpretation of politics.
Leaders expressed the need for entrepreneurship, individualism, and moral responsibility rather than organization. His criticism of racial segregation and the Vietnam War are matters of public record and, unlike Schlesinger, he respected but never revered Roosevelts or Kennedys.
Turner, Beard, Parrington, systematically analyzes and criticizes the intellectual foundations and historical validity of Charles Beard's historiography ; the book "signalled a growing support for neoconservatism" by Hofstadter.
In that manner, the intellectuals of a society intervene and participate in social arenas of which they might not possess expert knowledge, and so unduly influence the formulation and realization of public policy. Eager to embrace the future rather than commemorate the past, he rejected the conventional signposts that had for so long given direction to American civilization—a culture of capitalism, individualism, and isolationism.
The fragility of the times undoubtedly shaped its survivors. The reason it was different is that the New Deal was born out of the Great Depressionnot prosperity, as were Populism and Progressivism. But Hofstadter had a greater range and wider influence than these men, and the combination of intellectual and political history that he wrote was unique, as was the penetration of his intellect and his appealing sensibility.
Hofstadter provides evidence from numerous sources of the general nativism possessed by Progressives. He warmly extolled the virtues of Madison: Among historians, The American Political Tradition, House of Knopf, Pulitzer, New York, Columbia University, and postwar America evoke a hazy attachment to a lost world of scholarly giants confident in the curative powers of the enlightened mind.
The key concept he introduces is "the agrarian myth," the representation of the homage Americans have paid to the subsistence, innocent, and yeoman farmer of old.
He came from Buffalo, an ethnically mixed city lacking a dominant identity, his sense of ambiguous geographical origins further sharpened by the fact that American historians traditionally came from New England or the Midwest.
Old Progressive woes were ignored. It is all a matter of proportion and emphasis, which is terribly important in history.
Most of the white population of colonial America arrived as indentured servants and the black population as slaves. In defining intellectuals as "people whose occupations deal primarily with ideas", they are different from people whose work is the practical application of ideas.Why is the life writings and death of richard hofstadter there something rather than nothing?
Might the world be a movie analysis of sankofa an illusion or dream? What exists beyond the life writings and death of richard hofstadter the human senses? What happens after death? Hofstadter's second Pulitzer winner is a discursive meditation — covering religion and politics, business and academic life — on the long history of philistinism in the United States, from the Colonial era through the cold war.
Aug 26, · Richard Hofstadter's wiki: Richard Hofstadter (6 August – 24 October ) was an American historian and public intellectual of the midth century. Hofstadter was the DeWitt Clinton Professor of American History at Columbia University.
Rejecting his earlier approach to histo. Oct 19, · Following Hofstadter's death, " The Paranoid Style in American Politics " is an essay by American historian Richard J.
Hofstadter, first published in Harper's Magazine in November ; it served as the title essay of a book by the author in the same year. Anti-intellectualism in American Life by Richard Hofstadter O.
"Richard Hofstadter: The Ironies of an American Historian". Pacific Historical Review. 43 (1): 1– doi/ JSTOR Johnston, Robert D. "The Age of Reform": A Defense of Richard Hofstadter Fifty Years On," Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 6#2 (), pp. – in JSTOR; Kazin, Michael ().
Hofstadter's untimely death from leukemia at 55, incertainly deprived America of one of her foremost thinkers. This book, one of about 6 major works that he wrote, is around pages, arranged in chapters of about 30 pages apiece, with notes at the end of each chapter/5().Download